India needs a new Look West policy

I wish Will Durant was with us today. The last section of his great work, The Story of Civilization begins with The Age of Reason, which he chronicles until the Napoleonic era. I wonder how he would document the present retrogressive U-turn in the story of our civilisation, returning to the medieval pre-renaissance age of religious fundamentalism, and the triumph of barbarians. What comes foremost to my mind is the situation in the Levant and Middle East that has steadily been deteriorating in this direction for several decades now, converting cradles of great civilisations into graveyards of irrational jihadi extremism through the likes of ISIS and Hamas.
This week in Parliament, there was a discussion on the violence that has erupted and escalated between the Palestinians and the Israelis for some time. My friend Ghulam Nabi Azad, who opened the discussion on behalf of the Congress party, was heard in great silence. I too, heard him with great patience, though tormented all the time by the unfairness of his entire presentation. Throughout his speech, there was not one word of empathy for the six million Jewish people who were burnt alive in the furnaces of Hitler, or an honest recall of the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem standing to attention beside the German Fuhrer enjoying salutes from the mass murderers employed by the German state. The only words I can use to describe them are that they were monsters wearing human hoods.
India had welcomed the Jewish people into our ancient pluralist society in the Malabar coast, much before the Christian era, where they settled peacefully and profitably, just as it had welcomed Arab Muslim traders several centuries later. The ancient state of Israel that had existed thousands of years ago was created anew in 1948, not by militant Jews or Zionists, but by a near unanimous vote of the United Nations. During the earlier British mandate years from 1922 to 1948, British rulers had encouraged Jewish immigration into Palestine and by the end of the mandate their population had grown to 30%. The United Nations rightly resolved that there shall come into existence two independent states of Israel and Palestine to coexist in peace and economic cooperation. Let us remember that the British partitioned India for a much smaller proportion of Muslims. While the Hindus and their political representatives in India accepted Pakistan, the Palestinians and the surrounding Arab states did not. They attempted a military infanticide of the newborn state of Israel, and foolishly the Muslim Palestinians within the borders of Israel joined the jihad, thereby committing treason punishable by death.
India granted full recognition to the state of Israel, de facto and de jure. Arrangements had been finalised for the settling up of an Israel embassy in Delhi, but Jawaharlal Nehru went back on his promise on the advice of the venerable Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. Israel suffered the indignity of having only a consul to represent it, confined to Mumbai with no permission to enter Delhi.
The collective military attack against Israel by all the surrounding Arab states and Palestinian forces in 1948 proved a humiliating debacle for them, and a disaster for the Palestinian citizens of Israel, from which they have not recovered till today. They are still living in miserable refugee camps, forced upon them because of a fanatical political leadership which is blind to reality. For the benefit of my friend Ghulam Nabi Azad and those of his ilk, let me recall something deeply imprinted in my memory. I was in Germany during the summer of 1967, when once again, surrounding Arab states had put together their military might acquired at enormous expense of wealth to wipe Israel off the world's map. I watched a television interview of Ahmad Al Shukeiri, a veteran diplomat elected as first Chairman of the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organisation), with a mandate to establish a Palestinian entity. A journalist asked him what he and his forces would do after entering Israel and subjugating the Jews. I still remember his blood curdling, jihadist response: "We'll allow the survivors to go back to the countries from where they came." And then he menacingly twisted his moustache and proceeded, "But Inshallah there will be no survivors." It is since then that I have ceaselessly been a supporter of Israel and its survival as a free people within secure borders and a democratic government, something almost unknown to the Arabs in the region.
This war of 1967 came to be known as the Six-Day War, an Israeli military miracle that ended in a massive and humiliating defeat for the invaders. Ahmad Al Shukeiri himself was discarded and Egypt lost Gaza, which it had earlier grabbed after the dissolution of the All Palestine Government in 1959, plus the entire Sinai Peninsula. Jordan lost the West Bank and Syria the Golan Heights.
Slowly the sensible part of the Arab world realised that their dreams of destroying Israel had become their worst nightmare. Gradually, subsequent negotiations came to accept Israel's right to exist. Fatah, which has been in occupation of the West Bank, has recognised the state of Israel, but Hamas that controls Gaza has not. Egypt, being politically the most mature, signed a separate peace treaty with Israel in 1979, and was the first Arab state to recognise it. Israel returned to Egypt the entire Sinai Peninsula along with all its expensive Israeli investment. Even today, Egypt does not sympathise with Hamas, and has closed the tunnels opening into Gaza, that are Hamas' lifeline. And if Egypt and Israel can live in peace, then why cannot the Palestinian state as well? Frankly, there is no other solution.
I am a genuine friend of both the Israelis and Palestinians. I have arrived at some firm conclusions about their future, which I must record for the benefit of those who share my concerns. My prescription is that:
1. All the states surrounding Israel must accord Israel recognition, both de facto and de jure.
2. All these states must be bound by treaties of perpetual peace and economic cooperation.
3. The international borders of Israel must provide it complete security to the satisfaction of the Security Council.
4. The United Nations must guarantee the immunity of Israel from any external aggression.
5. Israel will necessarily withdraw from almost all the areas that have come into its possession as a result of the aggressors' defeat in all the wars started by them to wipe Israel off the world's map.
If these conditions are fulfilled, I have no doubt that Israel will reconcile to the Corpus separatum for Jerusalem under an international regime, on the lines of the United Nations resolution of 1948.
There is then the vexed question of the return of the refugees who left Israel in response to the call of jihad by the neighbouring countries. According to the law of Israel and the law of every civilised state, they all are guilty of treason and if apprehended, liable to be sentenced to death. Every person who wishes to live in Israel must owe allegiance to that state. Any refugee who sincerely swears by the Holy Quran that he will be a loyal citizen of Israel and not commit acts of treason or terrorism against it, may well be allowed to return. This, however, is incumbent upon a host of confidence building measures, and it would be totally unreasonable of the international community to persuade Israel to accept potential traitors as Israeli residents. After having survived jihadic infanticide, Israel is not likely to commit political suicide.
I believe that the real enemies of the Palestinians are not Israel or the Jewish people or the US government. Their real enemies are those who have kept them in miserable refugee camps. A small fraction of the Saudi and Iranian wealth could have provided civilised conditions of existence, reasonable prosperity and wholesome occupations for all the Palestinians. An industrial Palestine would have been an economic competitor with Israel. The real enemies of the Palestinians are the Hamas, the Fatah, the Hezbollah, and the surrounding governments. The poor, misguided Palestinians are helpless pawns in the political chess of the Middle East.
Coming back to the Parliament debate, after hearing the first speaker from the ruling party whose presentation was incompletely articulated, and repeatedly interrupted, I left the House realising that an expelled member of the BJP would not be better off.
As for what the Hon'ble Minister for External Affairs said in Parliament, as reported in the newspapers, and what Hon'ble Mani Shankar Aiyar wrote the following day,
Real enemies of the Palestinians are those who keep them in miserable refugee camps.
Article Credits Hon.Advt.Ram Jethmalani "The Sunday Guardian"

P.M.Narendra Modi's Bhuttan Visit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Bhutan's King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck and Queen Jetsun Pema.
NEW DELHI: Prime Minister Narendra Modi returned home on Monday from his 2-day Bhutan trip. This was PM's first foreign trip since assuming charge. During Modi's tour, both countries reaffirmed their commitment to extensive development cooperation and discussed ways to further enhance economic ties.
Here are some of the key points of Modi's visit to the Himalayan nation:
1. India and Bhutan reiterated their commitment to achieving the 10,000 MW target in hydropower cooperation and not to allow their territories to be used for interests "inimical" to each other.
2. Modi inaugurated one of India's assistance projects - the building of the Supreme Court of Bhutan and laid foundation stone of the 600MW Kholongchu Hydro-electric project, a joint venture between India and Bhutan.
3. India also announced a number of measures and concessions including the exemption of Bhutan from any ban on export of milk powder, wheat, edible oil, pulses and non-basmati rice.
4. The two sides recalled the free trade arrangement between them and the expanding bilateral trade and its importance in further cementing their friendship.
5. Prime Minister Narendra Modi also mooted the idea of an annual hill sports festival with India's northeastern states along with Bhutan and Nepal.
6. Modi announced doubling of scholarships being provided to Bhutanese students in India which will now be worth Rs 2 crore.
7. India will also assist Bhutan set up a digital library which will provide access to Bhutanese youth to two million books and periodicals.
8. Both India-Bhutan reaffirmed their commitment to extensive development cooperation and discussed ways to further enhance economic ties.
9. Modi described Bhutan as a natural choice for his first visit abroad as the two countries shared a "special relationship''.
10. The fact that the Prime Minister chose Bhutan as his first foreign destination assumes significance since China has lately intensified efforts to woo it and establish full- fledged diplomatic ties with Thimphu.

Obama will offer a $10 trillion carrot to Modi

US President Barack Obama intends to work towards making India a $10 trillion economy. Hence he is disregarding advice from Clinton-era officials to continue to adopt a hostile stance towards Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Authoritative sources in Washington say that the US President has decided to ensure that Modi receives "the same warm welcome that was extended to Manmohan Singh in the White House". Apart from a formal meeting in the Oval Office, "which would be the forum for substantive discussions and not merely a photo-op", the Prime Minister will be invited to a private dinner at the White House with President Obama, according to key sources on Capitol Hill. They point out that Modi will be "the only world leader attending the UN General Assembly in mid-September to get this level of Presidential attention", and that "this is a clear indication that President Obama seeks to distance his administration from the (George W. Bush-Hillary Clinton) legacy of seeking to indict Narendra Modi for the 2002 Gujarat riots". This reconsideration was first reported in The Sunday Guardian (Obama quietly reverses Hillary's 'get Modi' policy, 20 April 2014). In a sense what Barack Obama is seeking with India is similar to the approach followed by then President Richard Milhous Nixon in 1972 towards China, "of seeking to make the country a strong economic power". A senior US official said that "the intention of President Obama is to help India to become a $10 trillion economy", which would be five times higher than the present level. Another official warned that "the $6 trillion gap between Indian and Chinese GDP is upsetting the strategic balance in Asia, and needs to be bridged". He said that initiatives which had been stalled by Clinton-era officials in various departments for so long "will now get fast-tracked". These will include much greater cooperation in defence, counter-terrorism, space, education and science & technology than was permitted by the Clinton-heavy US administration thus far. "Nearly 30 co-production programmes between the US and India are to be proposed within the year," a senior official said, adding that "some of these have already been suggested, but were blocked by paralysis in decision-making of the Manmohan Singh government." The US has already publicly announced that it would like trade between the two sides to cross $500 billion annually in a few years, up from the present level of $100 billion. A source on Capitol Hill claimed that "Hillary Clinton and her folks adopted the schoolmistress approach of telling countries what they should do." In contrast, he said that "President Obama is more respectful of the choices made by different countries, even when these do not conform exactly to US needs." A high-level source added that "the intention is to work out an equal relationship with India, which would create a balanced power equilibrium in Asia and moreover tap into the synergies between US and Indian (private) business". His assistant said that the intent behind the new approach was to "integrate Indian business firmly within the global supply chain" and to "maximise job-creating investment rather than just financial inflows". He pointed out that "the hostile rhetoric (from Washington) on trade protection that was evident in the past has been muted, now that Modi has taken charge and there is finally hope of a businesslike approach towards US-India ties". Senior officials pointed out that "President Obama did not wait for a formal declaration (appointing Narendra Modi as PM) but called him personally on 16 May as soon as the electoral verdict was clear". He said that President Obama "wants to make a genuine strategic partnership with India among the most important parts of his foreign policy legacy, and towards that objective, wishes to engage intensively with Prime Minister Modi". Disappointing those who were hoping for a cool reception during the new Prime Minister's first US visit in mid-September, it is now clear that Narendra Modi will be given a full dose of the legendary Obama charm. "The President has ensured that his entire team is on the same page on the question of welcoming and working with Prime Minister Modi, including senior officials such as Secretary of State John Kerry (who were earlier adopting the Bush-Clinton line on him)," a key source on Capitol Hill claimed. US Assistant Secretary of State Nisha Biswal arrived in Delhi from Beijing on the early morning of 7 June for meetings with External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, Foreign Secretary Sujatha Singh and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. She is expected to assure her Indian interlocutors that the bitterness of the past is now history, and that the Obama administration seeks to engage "closely and fully in a spirit of mutual interest and partnership" with Team Modi.
Article Credits Madhav Nalapat-The Sunday Guardian

Bhutan prepares to welcome PM Narendra Modi

Thimphu, Jun 10: Prime Minister Narendra Modi's decision to choose Bhutan for his first foreign visit has been hailed here as historic and authorities are leaving no stone unturned to welcome him to further cement the already strong bilateral ties. The visit scheduled on June 15 to 16 will provide an opportunity to discuss bilateral issues and further strengthen Indo-Bhutan relations. "We're honoured to have him choose Bhutan as the first country he's visiting after assuming office. This is a historic visit, the entire world is watching, not just the SAARC region, and we're extremely happy, we're proud," said Bhutanese Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay. "It speaks volumes about the importance he attaches to the region, but more significantly to the importance he attaches to the friendship between our two great countries," Tobgay was quoted as saying by the the local newspaper, Kuensel. The 11th Five Year Plan, the ongoing hydropower projects and the Economic Stimulus Plan will also be discussed in the meeting. "But as of now, we don't see any specific issue that we'll be discussing, as far as we're concerned, our main agenda is to further cement our already very strong ties of friendship," Tobgay said. Preparations are underway in the capital city to what local newspapers have described as "modi-fication". Gates and bridges are also being hoisted and painted. Modi is expected to meet King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, head of state Druk Gyalpo and other senior government officials during his stay. The visit reflects the importance India attaches to its ties with Bhutan. Prime Minister Tobgay was among the leaders from the neighbouring countries to attend Modi's swearing-in in New Delhi on May 26.

News Credits OneIndia

Modi takes charge, India rejoices

Euphoria of victory will start receding and the serious and challenging business of governance will begin.
The people of India celebrated with great joy and fulfilment as Narendra Modi was sworn in as the 15th Prime Minister of India on 26 May 2014. They had many things to celebrate. The success of their own mission of bringing in Narendra Modi as Prime Minister, whom they had firmly decided was the only hope for India's future, after the devastation of India unleashed by the UPA. But more than that, they were celebrating Narendra Modi's phenomenal and unprecedented victory, surpassing his own Mission 272, and almost achieving the impossible. Yes, the election did assume the form of a Presidential type election, and Modi swept it with a wave, bringing the BJP to power with an absolute majority for the first time since Independence and a single political party in power for the first time in two decades. One can even say that the election started looking more and more like a referendum on Modi, and not really an election between political parties. Anyone I have asked this question to, poor, middle class or rich, rural or urban, has said the same thing. For me, it was a personal celebration that brought me great satisfaction to see Narendra Modi being sworn in as Prime Minister, someone I had been championing from the very beginning, as the most qualified to lead the nation. He has ended the corrupt, communal and anti-national UPA regime, and has returned the nation to the people of India. It was a perfect oath taking ceremony — suffused with dignity and grace, with the aura of splendour that accompanies Rashtrapati Bhawan's august events. The people of India were delighted at Modi's surprise announcement of inviting heads of SAARC governments and of Afghanistan and Mauritius to attend the ceremony. A most meaningful gesture of goodwill for all our neighbours, that put behind the recrimination and rhetoric of the election, and gave way to bonhomie, generosity and magnanimity. The gathering was impressive and did India proud. But most of all, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan deserves our heartiest congratulations and thanks for standing up to all his internal pressures and accepting Narendra Modi's invitation. India was delighted to see him in New Delhi. Of course, nobody expected any serious negotiations and breakthroughs — the occasion was only meant as an expression of intent for future goodwill and dialogue. Both Sri Lanka and Pakistan reiterated their goodwill by releasing fishermen who periodically get arrested for fishing in neighbouring territorial waters, and India reciprocated likewise. The euphoria of victory and celebrations will gradually start receding, and the serious and challenging business of governance will begin, the real walk through fire, and in such disabling circumstances. Inheriting a nation with a bankrupt treasury, a dead economy. But the nation has already witnessed in the span of a mere week Modi's indefatigable energy and dynamism, his capacity for working long hours, and hard work, his competence in facing challenges head on, and his determination and dexterity to overcome them. He has a full agenda. He must prioritise among priorities, all of which are equally urgent for restoring development and the economy. He must start the process of fulfilling promises made to the people of India, and securing credibility. It is not for too much longer that opposition, media, and the people will remain overawed. Modiji has completed the first stage of his government formation, and tried to be as balanced about it as he could. No doubt, he realises that his bullet proof armour must protect him both from the front and back, and he has kept the "threatful" ones close to him, a wise strategy perhaps, also advocated by our great ancient scholar of governance and statecraft, Kautilya. The people of India have great confidence and believe it is only fair that they must wait until the new government has settled in, before the wheels of change start turning and promises start getting fulfilled. The Prime Minister has made another fine and unprecedented start by extending a proactive hand of friendship to the states, regardless of their political hue. He is reported to be keen on constituting a cell in government solely dedicated to issues that keep cropping up between the states and the Centre that remain unattended for years, and sometimes decades. Restoring the true federal spirit between the Centre and the states is something close to his heart, and in the long term, treating all states as equal, regardless of their political composition, is important for restoring democratic federal health in governance. I also congratulate the Prime Minister for his prompt action in constituting the Special Investigation Team ordered by the Supreme Court way back in 2011. The Congress government fraudulently managed to avoid bringing the team into existence through one ruse or another. The spate of government office fires in recent times, starting from the PMO, the last being at Shastri Bhawan, which saw several important files turn to ash, was extremely worrisome, as Shastri Bhawan also houses the Law Ministry. After being informed by the Solicitor General that the black money documents were lodged in North Block, I was constrained to bring to the attention of the Court my legitimate fears that North Block might well become victim of another sudden fire. The Hon'ble Court ordered that all documents be handed over under the safe custody of a joint secretary of known integrity. But I do hope that adequate photocopies of all documents have been made, and the correspondence properly listed, just to take precaution against yet another fire mishap or any other circumstances enabling loss of files. Even on the day that counting of ballot papers was in progress, the UPA government was in the Supreme Court, asking for a review of the Supreme Court order. It is now imperative that Narendra Modi must take all the necessary steps to bring back our nation's money to the tune of Rs 90 lakh crores, or US $1,500 billion, and make India a land of plenty again. It has recently been reported that the US Justice Department convicted Credit Suisse AG, Switzerland, for helping Americans avoid paying taxes through offshore accounts, and fined them $2.6 billion. If the US can do this, so can we. Governance, especially political governance, is never a predictable affair. Already, over enthusiastic and well intentioned, though not necessarily well informed ministers, have started airing their views about sensitive issues that are critical to the nation with far reaching ramifications that can only be understood after serious study, such as Kashmir and Article 370, about minorities, especially the Muslim minority. As reported in the press, Modiji has taken serious note of this irresponsible and personal obiter dicta that some of his ministers are indulging in, and has advised them regarding the importance of observing discipline regarding personal public comments on sensitive national issues, particularly those with security repercussions. I must, however, state that there appears some degree of disquiet in the legal fraternity about some of the appointments that have recently made, and I refer particularly to that of the Advocate General and Solicitor General. I am of the firm view that a precedent should be set that appointments of the highest law officers must be made after formal consultation with the Hon'ble Chief Justice of India and informal sounding of senior members of the bar. The Advocate General must be an eminent jurist, one who enjoys the confidence of the Bar and the legal fraternity. Narendra Modi always knew how challenging his new job would be, especially after the decade long UPA rule, and was well prepared for it. He has to rebuild governmental structures that he has inherited completely broken down. Most institutions don't work for the objectives they were intended, and those that do work, do so for the wrong reasons. He has to revive the economy, generate jobs, reduce prices and inflation, crack down upon corruption, and improve the lot of the common man through his development agenda. He has made a great start, and needs all our prayers and good wishes to succeed in his mission of placing India First, and fulfilling his promises to the people. The nation prays for his success, and for leading India towards progress, prosperity and peace.
Article Courtesy,RAM JETHMALANI on The Sunday Guurdian

Black money: Contact other agencies, get all information, CBI teams told

NEW DELHI: A day after the Narendra Modi government announced formation of a special investigation team (SIT) to probe 'black money', CBI Director Ranjit Sinha, who is also part of the SIT, has reportedly asked his teams to collect all the information regarding black money in association with other agencies and prepare a report. It was CBI, which had first given an official figure to the black money. Former CBI director A P Singh had claimed in February 2012 that "Indians are the largest depositors in banks abroad with an estimated 500 billion US dollars (nearly Rs 24.5 lakh crore) of illegal money stashed in tax havens such as Mauritius, Switzerland, Lichtenstein, British Virgin Islands etc". A formal order regarding the formation of SIT is awaited. CBI sources say Sinha may involve some select officers from the Economic Offences Wing, BS&FC and other specialised units to assist other agencies including Reserve Bank of India, IB, RAW, ED and CBDT. According to sources, the members of SIT would hold a meeting after the formal order is issued. A P Singh had claimed that CBI had reached the figure of black money (Rs 24.5 lakh crore) through different independent sources. Since all the agencies have to work on this together, the information would be shared and SIT chief Justice MB Shah, a former SC Judge, would be briefed accordingly. As the nodal agency of Interpol in India, CBI's role in the probe will be crucial. SIT is expected to use the judicial route to seek information from tax havens while the new government is likely to expedite the process at bureaucratic levels. Sources say the countries might also be asked at highest levels by MEA to assist in the probe.
TNN | 29 May, 2014

CBI gives clean chit to Amit Shah in Ishrat ( Terrorist Encounter ) case

"The encounter was part of the state government’s “zero tolerance” towards terrorism" The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) Wednesday gave a clean chit to Narendra Modi’s close aide and Gujarat’s former home minister Amit Shah in the alleged 2004 fake encounter case of Ishrat Jahan and three others, citing insufficient evidence. Asking for dismissal of an application against arraigning Shah as an accused in the case, the top investigating agency, in its reply filed before a special CBI court, also gave clean chit to former director general of police K R Kaushik. The three-page reply filed by the CBI followed an application moved by Gopinath Pillai, whose son Pranesh alias Javed Sheikh, was among the four killed in the alleged fake encounter. Pillai had sought to arraign Shah and Kaushik under the code of criminal procedure (CrPC) 319. The CBI, however, has not only denied having sufficient evidence against Shah, but also urged the court to dismiss the application, hinting that there will not be any further probe in the case. “It is submitted that Amit Shah, then home minister in the government of Gujarat, was not named in the FIR. CBI has not named him in the chargesheet as an accused,” CBI’s inspector Vishwas Kumar Meena said in the reply. CBI has also mentioned accused IPS officer D G Vanzara’s resignation letter dated September 1, 2013, which could not be termed as evidence. Vanzara’s letter was seen as evidence solely on the ground that he mentioned that the encounter was part of the state government’s “zero tolerance” towards terrorism. “The resignation letter contains general allegations and does not provide any concrete information about the role of Amit Shah in this offence. After receiving the letter, CBI examined Vanzara in jail. However, Vanzara has neither disclosed any further details during his examination nor in writing. There is no sufficient evidence against Shah. Hence, CBI has not chargesheeted him,” CBI stated in its reply. “In view of the above facts and circumstances, it is submitted that the application is liable to be dismissed,” CBI requested the court. The probe agency has filed two chargesheets against 11 accused in the case. The second or supplementary chargesheet has been pending before a CBI special court since February 6. CBI has not yet requested the court to proceed for committal of the case. Pillai had sought arraignment of Shah on the ground that the latter’s phone call detail records (CDR) during the encounter as well as his name appeared in the statements of some witnesses. It was claimed that Shah knew about the encounter operation. The CBI chargesheet annexed statements by police officers, which referred to a person as “kaali daadhi” who knew about the encounter operation. This term was suspected to be a code for Shah. Giving clean chit to Kaushik, CBI stated, “During further investigation and evidence collected so far, it appears that K R Kaushik was not involved in the conspiracy for killing the deceased persons. Hence,Hence, CBI has not chargesheeted him as he is cited as prosecution witness No. 183 in the supplementary chargesheet.” Kaushik had been named in the FIR lodged by CBI before it started the probe. He was Ahmedabad police commissioner when Ishrat, Sheikh, Zeeshan Johar and Amjadali Rana were killed by a team of Gujarat police. Others chargesheeted by CBI in the case include suspended ADGP P P Pandey, D G Vanzara, DSP G L Singhal, Tarun Barot. Four IB officials, including retired special director Rajinder Kumar, were also chargesheeted by the agency in the case.
News Credits,The Indian Express

PM gets ready for NDA win on 16 May

Orders have informally been given in the Prime Minister's Office to ensure that all pending matters get cleared "before 16 May", as on that day, they should "be prepared for a change in government", according to a senior official. He added that "Prime Minister Manmohan Singh wishes to leave with dignity, and to preside over a smooth transition" to what is expected to be a Narendra Modi-led government by the end of the month. Both psephologists as well as politicians are baffled at the speed and strength of the "Modi wave" that is powering the BJP to victory in the 2014 elections. "We are lucky that the Election Commission opted for an unprecedented nine stages for the elections, as this length of time has helped to dilute the potency of the Modi wave, especially in Bihar and in parts of Uttar Pradesh" where there will be late polling. "Had the polls been held within a two-week interval, the BJP would have gained an extra 20 seats, so we should thank the EC for their decision," a very senior Congress strategist revealed. He further claimed that "by the beginning of February, it was clear that we (the Congress) would do very badly, so from then onwards the target has been to reduce the BJP's tally and (thereby) keep Modi out," he added. He gave "full marks to Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi for the way in which both have tracked the progress of the polls and enthused party workers demoralised by the bad reputation of the Manmohan Singh government". Although for the record Congress insiders praise the outgoing Prime Minister, in private they say that he "refused to listen to many suggestions made by Soniaji and Rahulji" and that "he was unable to carry out most of the improvements asked of him by the leadership". Asked why he was not, therefore, replaced, the senior leader claimed that "there was no unanimity on his replacement, as Rahul was not willing to take up the job". He claimed that "the Congress president would have liked Sushilkumar Shinde as PM, but Rahul favoured P. Chidambaram for the job. Also, the family did not want to offend Pranab Mukherjee, as there were indications that he would quit the government if passed over for promotion. By the time PranabDa became President of India, it was too close to the polls for a change in the leadership of the government, so it was decided by the family to continue with Manmohan Singh till the election cycle ended." The insider said that "Rahul and his team initially placed too much emphasis on standard classifications of caste and community, not realising that Narendra Modi had cut through such divisions with his talk of development." Hence, "it was only very late in the game that caste and community factors were made to compete with the message of development. However, we could not beat Modi at his own game". The party leader said that "we ought to have ensured that sentiment prevailed over cold fact, as in the sentimentality department the Nehru family is tops". According to him, "Priyanka should have campaigned outside UP, especially in the west and south, where she could have made a big difference." However, he claimed that "both Soniaji and Rahulji were reluctant to force Priyanka to undergo the strains of campaigning across the country, although she herself was ready". However, "in protecting her, they may have handed over a majority to the NDA", he ruefully ended. Calculations made within the relevant echelons of government indicate that the BJP and its allies will pick up more than a 150 seats in the north of India, while in the west, its tally will cross 60, with around 30 seats coming from the south and 20 in the east. If these calculations prove to be accurate, the BJP and its allies will be within striking distance of a majority on their own. However, should more numbers be required, about a dozen seats are expected to go to independents, including in the Northeast, while Jagan Reddy's YSR Congress is expected to win 16 seats in Seemandhra and the TRS seven seats in Telangana. "Had the BJP done separate deals with Jagan in Seemandhra and with TRS in Telangana, the two combinations would have had almost a clean sweep across both regions," a senior official claimed, adding that "the TDP has brought down rather than boosted the BJP's tally". In the same way, he said that "calculations reveal that B.S. Yeddyurappa has helped the BJP in only two seats in Karnataka but has cost the party seven other seats". Also, "the BJP could have got nine seats in Tamil Nadu (rather than the three now forecast) had it avoided angering specific communities by tying up with the MDMK and the PMK". Another official argued that "clearly the Delhi headquarters of the BJP does not understand the dynamics of the South at all, with both Leaders of the Opposition as well as the party president coming from within the same narrow geographical radius". Given that the in-house experts within the government in the tracking of election results are giving the NDA either a majority on its own or close to the 272 figure, it is perhaps no surprise that across ministries, files are getting cleared and sanitised, so as to ensure that those who have signed on them remain undisturbed by future inquiries. Meanwhile, the Central Bureau of Investigation under Ranjit Sinha has been giving clean chit after clean chit to a roster of cases, in a spurt of activity unusual in its speed and timing.
News Credits The sunday-guardian

Congress commits fraud on Muslims

With every passing day, as it prepares to depart from office, the Congress-led UPA government is becoming increasingly unabashed and brazen. While incriminating papers are being confined to shredders and incinerators, and favourite bureaucrats are being given comfortable assignments in foreign lands, the ruling government is investing all its energies in strategising for its safety and security, post 16 May. Not entirely unexpected, even the Prime Minister's Office fell victim to the proverbial office fire, as reported in the papers. Fire safety standards in the PMO, the nerve centre of our government, must have turned extremely lax. Nevertheless, it would be interesting to delve further into the nature of the files that have been declared dead forever through the fire ruse. The Congress Party is silently preparing contingencies and exit strategies to secure protection from a terrifying future, when in all probability, government will pass on to an incorruptible, decisive leader, with whom they cannot make quid pro quo deals. They are trying their best to label the decisive leader as divisive or a polariser through constant repetition by themselves and hired voices, but they have learnt by now, that all their shrill propaganda to create a climate of fear psychosis among the Muslims has not yielded results. In fact, the Congress party's excessive overdrive has started rebounding upon itself. The people of India have been given an opportunity to witness directly just how scurrilous, divisive and polarising the Congress has been, particularly, in its last ditch, maladroit attempt to change the voter's mind somehow. Many of their other ongoing efforts have also failed. Their desperate hurry to appoint a Lokpal of their choice, a protector for their future, has turned to naught. The selection process was judicially so deplorable, that both judicial members of the Search Committee, Justice K.T. Thomas and Fali Nariman, refused to have anything to do with it and resigned. Finally, it took a PIL and the Supreme Court to prevent this lame duck government from appointing a Lokpal of their choice, whom they want so badly as a security for their future. This issue is of utmost priority for them, and they still don't seem to have given up. The Congress party leaves behind a trail of gigantic scams, which closely touch the Prime Minister, Sonia Gandhi, her family and several other UPA stalwarts. Perhaps they hadn't expected such early exposure. Perhaps they did not realise that the time-space compression of advanced technology and 24X7 television, hasten the detection of scams by the public and investigative reporting. Perhaps they did not anticipate the momentum of public scrutiny of their corruption during the last three years, something that is making it impossible for them to bury their scams before they leave. Their loose ends continue to dangle dangerously, waiting for the next government to pick up. And a Lokpal of their choice still eludes them. There are several theories circulating as to why the lame duck government is trying hard to appoint the next Army chief in such haste. The Ministry of Defence had become a UPA den and it is imperative for the present dispensation to ensure a protective continuity in matters that affect them most, the fate of Agusta Westland and the nebulous transactions involving "the family" and "AP", and most importantly, how to make the government lose its case in arbitration, so that Finmeccanica's fortunes do not suffer. These shadowy, murky matters of kickbacks and intrigue remain invisible to the aam admi, whose tax money finances the corruption of those who preside over the government, even while they keep screaming shrilly, to distract the aam aadmi, that they alone are the Lord's anointed ones to give India inclusive and secular advancement. In their terminal political desperation and bankruptcy, they have turned as expected to communal handouts for Muslims and backward classes, whom they continue to view as election chattels. Having failed for decades in fulfilling promises to them for raising their standards of living and quality of life, the last few ploys that they command as masters of the government are those of reservation in government jobs. I have something significant to say about this issue of reservations that I hope these two segments of our country will reflect upon. Our Constitution, the foundation of our laws and government, is one of the most secular in the world. While it believes that governmental employment opportunity must be merit based, it never lost sight of the historical reality of our caste-ridden society. For centuries the lower castes had suffered social oppression and humiliation from the upper castes, denial of education, and corresponding opportunity for social, educational and economic inclusion. The long term consequences of social exclusion are equally destructive. They result in stunting and dwarfing mental faculties, erosion of self esteem, a permanent feeling of inferiority, death of aspiration and higher social mobility, and social fatalism. Clearly, historical caste-based exclusion and social decapitation made them incapable of being part of fair and equal competition with the higher castes. Just as a man with tied legs cannot compete fairly in a running race, people with their mental faculties debilitated through deliberate social oppression perpetuated over centuries cannot be expected to participate equally in competitive examinations. The Constitution provided special facilities for them. Reservations, as recommended by Dr Ambedkar were meant to be a recompense from the democratic government of India for the historic and social wrongs committed by our society to certain segments for denying them opportunities and acquiring equal rights as full blooded citizens at par with higher castes. This was the fundamental principle on which reservation quotas for the Scheduled Castes and Tribes was incorporated in our Constitution. Let me remind the OBCs, that neither Mulayam nor Mayawati are their true friends. Both, with mountains of corruption files hanging over their heads, are willing to barter anything away for a clean chit. Let the OBCs also recall that the Congress party under Indira Gandhi ignored the Mandal Commission report, and Rajiv Gandhi categorically opposed it. V.P. Singh made an attempt to implement it in 1990, but the issue was stayed by the Supreme Court. The Congress party fielded a battery of the best lawyers, including Nani Palkhivala, to oppose it. Vasanth Sathe, a non-practising lawyer, donned his robes and appeared in the Supreme Court, sending out the clear Congress message of opposition to the Mandal report. I was the only lawyer who defended the case, and I won it. This is one victory I am very proud of, and so much for Congress' great concern about the OBCs. Recently, the Congress party has again played its communal card by including a sub-manifesto that it would provide 4.5% Muslim quota, within the OBC quota. Commendable election tactics and a last minute quick-fix hoping to ensnare Muslim vote banks, wherever the Congress believes it can leverage their numbers to its advantage, and make them eternal captives. Is the Congress party trying to inform the Muslim community that they have for centuries suffered humiliation from Indian society, for their present state of lack of education, or economic advancement? Muslim rulers, who have ruled most parts of this country for five centuries, have imposed jazya on the local population, treating Hindus in general, exactly the way Hindu upper castes treated lower castes. It is only after the British takeover that they lost political power. Historically or socially, Indian society has in no manner humiliated them or done them any social wrong or deprived them of educational opportunity, capacity to advance, or have fair opportunity in competition in government jobs. What really has impeded Muslims of India from reaching their true potential, are their own clerics and their madrassa education that ghettoises them further, even visibly, in terms of separate attire and physical appearance. Neither the clerics nor the madrasas will empower the critical mass of underprivileged Muslims in India to access modern contemporary education, economic opportunity, and acquire greater heights in our socio-economic order that secular India aspires for each of its citizens. I ask my Muslim countrymen to do some introspection, and look at the lives of the Muslims in India who have prospered. They are the modern, cosmopolitan ones who have avoided the tragedy of a madrasa education. I am tempted to state a simple example. At Independence, the Bombay Bar was dominated by brilliant Muslim lawyers. Today, there are hardly any. Let the Muslims of the country realise that if they succumb to the bait of reservation (that is in any case constitutionally untenable), they would be affirming that the Congress party has done the same to them as what the upper classes historically did to the lower castes in India. Do not get carried away by this bait — ask instead for better educational institutions, access to skills and expertise, and proactively grab better opportunities for economic progress.
Shri.RAM JETHMALANI ,The sunday-guardian

Modi set to win Vadodara by landslide

The BJP’s Prime Ministerial candidate appears likely to cruise to victory in home state.
Vadodara is all set to elect Narendra Modi, say voters and political experts across the Lok Sabha constituency. The constituency voted heavily on Wednesday, with a record 72% turnout, up from 49% in 2009. The previous record turnout of 69.14% came in 1977, in the first elections after the Emergency was imposed. "It is common knowledge that Vadodara — with its large Marathi and Gujarati population — has always been a BJP stronghold. This time too, the constituency is all set to elect Narendra Modi with a neat margin," said Priyamvadan Patel, a political analyst who has previously worked as the Gujarat state coordinator for the National Psephology Network. Patel points out that though Rajkot, Surat and Ahmedabad have raced ahead in development, leaving Vadodara behind, the city still elects only BJP candidates. BJP's sitting MP Balu Shukla vacated the sea for Modi. "This city has always been a BJP bastion. The only time a Congress candidate won here, it was by the only two-digit margin in Gujarat's history," said Patel, referring to the victory of Satyajit Gaekwad in 1996 by just 17 votes, the smallest ever victory margin in a Lok Sabha election. Dr Ravi Jadhav, a retired scientist, said, "Modi has a huge following because of the massive development he has managed to bring about across the state. I have travelled across India and can vouch for the fact that infrastructural development in Gujarat is better than in any other state." A Gujarati voter who did not want to be named said, "There is a huge pro-Modi wave here. I have voted for Modi because we are proud that our candidate will go on to become the Prime Minister of the country and extend our state's development to the rest of India." However, Arjun Modhvadia, the Congress party's spokesperson denies the presence of a Modi wave. "There has been a surge of turnout all over India, not only in Vadodara. The BJP's seat share dipped in Gujarat's 2012 Assembly elections, as did its vote share. I am confident that their vote share will decline this time as well, and we are hopeful of victory by a small margin," Modhvadia said. Political expert Priyamvadan Patel said the city administration's intensive campaign for voter awareness ensured heavy voting. He said the regional cultural organizations and civil society, business bodies and the District Collectorate took it upon themselves to reach out to voters. "A massive campaign was conducted to draw voters who are already committed out to vote. A government initiative was transformed into a people's movement," said Patel.
Article Credits,Kirti Pandey,The sunday-guardian

NDA managed resources better than UPA

TFP of a country is like the profit of a company. It measures efficiency with which a country manages its resources.
The ongoing Indian elections have been marked by an explosion of analyses comparing the performances of the UPA governments from 2004 onward with that of the NDA government during the period 1998-2004. A large part of this debate turns on the issue of how to judge the performance of a government. Different commentators highlight different indicators, making comparisons inherently subjective. The problem facing the voter is a bit like the problem facing an investor choosing between the stocks of different companies. The voter needs to invest in a party, while the investor needs to invest in a company. How does an investor decide? The first indicator of company health are profits as a share of revenues. An efficient company tries to raise the profit rate by increasing revenues and/or lowering costs through reduced input usage. Higher profit rates tend to indicate greater efficiency and future growth. Is there a counterpart for company profits for evaluating governance of a country? A measure that economists use to judge the economic efficiency of an organisation is Total Factor Productivity (TFP). TFP of any entity is the difference between what it produces and what it uses as inputs. For a country, output is Gross Domestic Product (GDP), while inputs are the capital used, employed labour, the skill level of the employed labour, etc. Thus, TFP of a country is like the profit of a company. It measures the efficiency with which a country manages its resources. This efficiency depends on myriad factors, including economic policies, institutions and governance. More efficient, better managed economies with strong institutions that protect individual and economic freedoms are able to produce more GDP with fewer inputs, i.e., through higher TFP. In principle, then the voter could use TFP as an indicator of government efficiency. Just as profits, rather than revenue growth is the key for stockholders, TFP growth, rather than GDP growth should be key for the voter. For the past three decades, the Center for the International Comparisons of Production, Income and Prices at the University of Pennsylvania has been compiling internationally comparable data for a number of countries. Its latest data release is the PWT 8.0. It provides data on income, output, input and prices for 167 countries covering the period 1950-2011. Two welcome additions in the latest release are data on the capital stock and TFP for a number of countries. The GDP and TFP growth numbers for India reported in PWT 8.0 make for interesting reading. First, they confirm the overall view of India having been a relatively low growth, inefficient economy till 1991 that saw a big increase in growth post-1991, accompanied by more efficient economic management ushered in by economic reforms and liberalisation. Between 1960 and 1991, the economy grew at an average annual rate of 4.3%. This growth rate rose to 6.8% between 1991 and 2011. Correspondingly, TFP growth in India, which averaged 0.65% a year between 1960 and 1991 almost tripled to 1.64% between 1991 and 2011. Put differently, while TFP growth only accounted for about 15% of annual GDP growth during 1960-1991, it accounted for 24% of the higher average GDP growth during 1991-2011. Clearly, the economy became a lot more efficient in managing its resources post-1991. What do the GDP and TFP growth figures suggest about the periods 1998-2004 and 2004-2011? Annual growth during 2004-2011 under the UPA regime was 8.1%, which was 2 percentage points higher than during the NDA government that preceded it. The difference between the two regimes though is the share of TFP growth in total GDP growth. Under the NDA regime during 1998-2004, this share was 21%. Under the UPA dispensation during 2004-2011 TFP's share of growth declined to 17.5%. Looking under the surface of these numbers provides even greater perspective on the efficiency of the two regimes. During the UPA-1 regime of 2004-2009, TFP's share of growth was 15.4%, which was exactly the contribution of TFP to growth during the low growth period of 1960-1991, a period riddled with economic inefficiencies. Moreover, the source of the current disaffection of many voters with the UPA-2 can be seen in the figures for 2011 (the last year of the sample in PWT 8.0). Growth declined sharply as did TFP. What is perhaps most disconcerting is that TFP's share of GDP growth went below 14% in 2011. This is a historic low in TFP's contribution to economic growth in India. One can only imagine how much worse the figures for the period 2011-2014 are going to be given the economic slowdown and policy paralysis that has epitomised this phase. Why might growth remain strong despite tepid TFP growth? The typical reason is a high investment rate which, in turn, indicates that investors perceive high returns in the economy. Low TFP growth however, indicates that some of this potential may have been squandered through management inefficiencies and resource misallocations. The growth and TFP numbers in India over the past few years suggest that the potential remains high but management and governance continues to be a major worry. Sometimes a single number is more informative than multiple indicators. The behaviour of TFP for judging the quality of governance may be an example of this even though voting decisions depend on much more than just economic efficiency.
Article Courtesy, Amartya Lahiri,The sunday-guardian

Why no SIT to probe black money?

The Government of India has shown complete disdain for constitutional propriety or national interest.
There has been an increasing demand for court monitored investigations and Special Investigation Teams (SITs). There are many reasons for this. First, a breakdown of public confidence in the normal investigation agencies that come under the criminal justice systems of India. Second, demand before the courts through Public Interest Litigation that proper investigation cannot be expected from the investigation agencies, because of the politico-legal nature of some cases, particularly if they are against the Executive, who also happens to be the controlling authority of the investigation agencies. Of late, there has been vociferous demand for court monitored investigations even from the world of sports and finance, such as the IPL and the NSEL. But most prominent are those that directly or indirectly involve the highest or the most influential authorities of the land. The Supreme Court has clearly stated: "More and more demands are now coming before the Courts for its monitoring of investigation relating to crimes committed by influential persons and persons who have political influence, with the apprehension that they could derail the investigation. Courts in public interest sometimes have to take such a course in the larger public interest." (Writ Petition (C) NO.548 OF 2012). The Code of Criminal Procedure defines the word "investigation" to include all the proceedings under the Code for the collection of evidence conducted by a police officer or by any person (other than a magistrate) who is authorised by a magistrate in this behalf. Section 173(2) of Cr PC authorises the police officer to send a report to the magistrate after completing the investigation. Section 36 of the Code empowers police officers superior in rank to a Station House Officer to exercise the same powers. Thus in the process codified under the CrPC, which is the Bible of the investigating officer, it is only a police officer in charge of the police station or any officer superior in rank to that of the SHO, who can do an investigation and file a report to the jurisdictional court. In the normal course, a superior police officer can monitor the investigation done by a junior police officer. A recent judgement of the Supreme Court is an eye opener. The CBI does not consist of angels. They can show a degree of criminality which has never been detected before in lesser agencies. The Bar, the Bench and other experts must meet and devise methods of making monitoring flawless and consistent with existing laws. In the case of Union of India vs Sushil Kumar Modi 1998 (2) BOM C.R.C. 120 ATP 9122(S.C): 1998(4) S.L.T. 367: 1998(1) SCALE 251, it was held that "monitoring by the High Court of any case is for the purpose of ensuring that the CBI and other agencies properly investigate the alleged offences and file a charge sheet if a prima facie case is made out ... that there would be no interference in the investigative work being performed by the officers which might hinder the course of the investigations." The monitoring of the investigation by the Supreme Court and the High Courts has raised certain fundamental questions in the minds of the public regarding what exactly this implies procedurally, especially in the absence of any clear-cut and unambiguous guidelines by the Apex Court regarding the exact procedure to be followed for this purpose. In fact in the judgement of the case referred to above, the Attorney General had expressed that certain observations in the impugned order of the High Court might be construed as enabling the High Court to monitor/control even disciplinary proceeding against an officer of the CBI if he happens to be in the team investigating any of the alleged offences. For understanding the issue with greater clarity, it would be important to ask what exactly the responsibilities of the Supreme Court or High Court are when it is monitoring an investigation. From all accounts, after such an order is made, the investigation agency, be it the CBI or the Special Investigation Team constituted by the Court, conducts the investigation and periodically submits its status report regarding the progress of the case, as and when the matter stands posted, until the charge sheet is filed before the jurisdictional court. Apart from receiving periodic status reports from the Special Investigating Team, it is understood that the Apex Court/High Courts would also scrutinise them to satisfy themselves that the investigation has been done as per prescribed procedure and without fear, favour, pressure or intimidation. For, only after scrutiny of the investigation reports, can they satisfy themselves that the investigation was free and fair. In such a situation, where does this place the trial court judge in the jurisdictional court, who actually has to pass judgement in the case after the charge sheet is filed? Does he have any discretion, and what would be the judicial propriety, should he during the trial believe there is reason to be dissatisfied with the investigation or charge sheet? Coming back to the point regarding the monitoring procedure applied to the periodic status reports on investigation, it has been reported recently that in the coal block allocation case, the bench has expressed to the CBI that it is facing great difficulty in "going through the voluminous reports submitted in the case", and have suggested the appointment of an amicus curiae. The CBI opposing this, claiming that it would interfere with its working, has questioned the proposed amicus curiae's impartiality, especially after the Apex Court has restrained everyone including the Attorney General from having a look at the status report. There are some facets of monitoring that raise very serious questions and concerns. In the present state of public and even the court's lack of confidence in the integrity of the Indian investigating agencies, court monitoring has to continue. A recent judgement of the Supreme Court is an eye opener. The CBI does not consist of angels. They can show a degree of criminality which has never been detected before in lesser agencies. The Bar, the Bench and other experts must meet and devise methods of making monitoring flawless and consistent with existing laws. The most important case in which the Hon'ble Supreme Court of India appointed a Special Investigation Team is the one decided on 4 July 2011 by Hon'ble Mr Justice Sudershan Reddy and Justice S.S. Nijjhar in the petition filed by me and other public spirited citizens. It is reported as Ram Jethmalani and Ors. versus Union of India and Ors.(2011) 8 SCC1. Being of the opinion that our country has been impoverished mainly by some indigenous dacoits who have stolen national wealth and concealed it in foreign banks which in the name of customer confidentiality protects the identity of the culprits from the owners of the wealth. It is estimated to be of the approximate range of US$1,500 billion, roughly equivalent of Rs 90 lakh crore. The governments of France and Germany were able to obtain the names and supplied them to all friendly nations without cost or condition. We too received some names, but obviously because they control our rulers or themselves rule us, they have not been disclosed to this unfortunate nation. After prolonged hearing of about two years, this is what the Supreme Court held: "It is necessary to express the Supreme Court's serious reservations about the response of the Union of India. During the earlier phases of hearing, the attempts were clearly evasive, confused, or originating in the denial mode. It was only upon being repeatedly pressed by the Supreme Court, did the Union of India begin to admit that indeed the investigation was proceeding very slowly. In fact the investigation had completely stalled, in as much as custodial interrogation of H had not even been sought for, even though he was very much resident in India... The lack of seriousness in the efforts of the State authorities is contrary to the requirements of laws and constitutional obligations of the Union of India. It was only upon the insistence and intervention of the Supreme Court of India that the Enforcement Directorate initiated and secured custodial interrogation over Hasan Ali..." The Supreme Court ordered the appointment of a Special Investigation Team to be monitored by the Supreme Court, casting responsibility on the Ministry of Finance, Union of India, for ensuring proper and effective functioning of the SIT at once. The following observations of the Supreme Court must also be informed to the people of India: "It is indeed true that the information shared by Germany, with regard to certain bank accounts in Liechtenstein, also contains names of individuals who appear to be Indians. The Petitioners have also claimed that names of all the individuals have been made public by certain segments of the media. However, while some of the accounts, and the individuals holding those accounts, are claimed to have been investigated, others have not been. The balancing leads only to one conclusion: strengthening of the machinery of investigations, and vigil by broader citizenry in ensuring that the agents of State do not weaken such machinery." This judgement should be read by every citizen, and should be translated into local languages for the non English speaking people. The stinking cesspool that Indian democracy has been turned into, must be cleansed. But till date, the Government of India has shown complete disdain for constitutional propriety or national interest. It has neither appointed an investigating team, nor disclosed names to the petitioner, nor recovered a single farthing out of the enormous wealth stolen from India.
aRTICLE CREDITSArticle Credits,RAM JETHMALANI,The Sunday Gaurdian

Muslims warm up to BJP in Rajasthan

Muslims with a Quranic verse on the windscreen of their vehicle campaign for the BJP.
Muslims in Rajasthan are drifting away from the ruling Congress party, with some of them shifting toward the Bharatiya Janata Party. This has emboldened the BJP to put up four Muslim candidates in the state and organise Narendra Modi rallies in Sawai Madhopur and Sikar, two constituencies with a substantial Muslim population. It was a rare Modi appearance in Muslim majority areas outside Gujarat. A large section of Muslims is also shifting toward the Jamaat-e-Islami-backed Welfare Party of India and other such outfits. According to political observers, all four BJP Muslim candidates are strong in their constituencies. Former MLA Habibur Rehman is contesting from Nagaur city. Former Rajasthan Sports Minister Yunus Khan, who lost the 2008 elections, has been given another chance from Deedwana constituency in Nagaur district. Abdul Sangeer Khan is contesting from Dholpur, while Salim Tanwar, a new face, is contesting the elections from Mandawa. Muslims constitute around 14% of Rajasthan voters and influence results in 40-45 Assembly segments of a total 200. Muslims have been traditionally voting for the Congress in the state. But numerous incidents of communal violence, particularly the Gopalgarh riots, during Ashok Gehlot's five-year rule, have angered the community. The Congress has given tickets to 18 Muslims, but it has to contend with the Jamaat's call to punish all "communal elements" in the ruling party. Engineer Khursheed Husain, the chief of Jamaat's Rajasthan unit, said that Muslims are upset with the Congress because of its inability to act against the perpetrators of communal riots. "We have fielded our candidates in areas where Congress MLAs are said to be communal — Hawa Mahal in Jaipur, Sawai Madhopur and Jhunjhunu. In other areas, we have instructed our workers to organise support for secular candidates," said Husain. Jamaat is the most organised Muslim organisation in the state and hence wields considerable influence on Muslim opinion during election time. Journalists covering the Rajasthan elections say that Muslims are determined to punish the Congress and are warming up toward the BJP. Neetu Soni, a local journalist, who was present at the Modi rallies in Sawai Madhopur and Sikar, said that she saw a sizeable number of Muslims listening to the Gujarat Chief Minister. "No anti-Modi processions were organised in these areas as had happened in the 2008 elections when Modi was supposed to come here," said Soni. Yunus Khan She said that Muslims see as a positive BJP's agenda of protecting wakf land, fencing all graveyards, modernising madrasas and giving scholarships to community students. "Even the Gehlot government had promised some of these things, but failed to deliver," said Soni. Of his community's seeming shift toward the BJP, Amin Pathan, BJP's minority morcha chief, said that his party works for all communities, including Muslims. "Unlike Congress, we don't believe in community or caste specific politics. There are 36 major communities in Rajasthan. Muslims are one of them. BJP sees all of them as equal," said Amin. Even the custodians of the famous Ajmer Dargah, where many Rajasthan politicians, belonging to all political parties including the Congress and the BJP are turning to seek Khwaja Moinuddin Chisty's blessings, do not see any problems in the BJP coming to power. "Both Gehlot and Vasundhara Raje did good work during their tenures as Chief Minister. Both are good for Rajasthan," said Syed Zainul Abedin, the sajjadanashin (caretaker) of the shrine.
Article Credits,The Sunday Gaurdian,30th November 2013

Utter Pradesh is a failed state: courtesy Akhilesh

Akhilesh’s poor handling of the communal riots proves his incompetence as Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister.
The state of Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state, sending 80 members to the Lok Sabha, is the kingmaker for any government formation in Delhi. In addition to being notorious for crime, casteism and corruption of the worst kind, it has also become the most communally violent state in India. According to official information released by the Ministry of Home Affairs, over 100 communal clashes occurred during the year 2012 in UP. Communal clashes have become a regular, almost monthly affair, ever since the Samajwadi Party came to power in 2012, cumulatively costing several hundred lives. Here is the snapshot: June 2012 Mathura and Muzaffarnagar; July 2012: Bareilly; September 2012 Ghaziabad; October 2012 Faizabad; December 2012 Azamgarh; January 2013 Lucknow; April, July 2013 Meerut; August 2013 Muzaffarnagar; September 2013: Shamli and Muzaffarnagar, which is still simmering. The MHA statistics confirm the fact that communal riots in Uttar Pradesh are deadlier, and with higher fatality rate than the rest of the country. UP has become a land where politicians base their legitimacy and power on the loyalty principle of respective castes and religions, through which they control large sections of their followers. They are like tribal warlords whose word is law, even though officially there is supposed to be the rule of law in operation, based on the Anglo Saxon pattern. They appropriate the wealth of the State, the taxpayer's money, funds meant for peoples' welfare, and then abandon them to illiteracy, disease and abject poverty to be inherited in perpetuity. The UP warlords are not unduly perturbed about their people's deprivation. How else will they be able to control their votes, election after election? But this primitive exercise of power has made them forget that caste and religion obtain loyalty only up to a point. Beyond that, the people want their basic expectations from government met, which they see happening in other states, but are denied to them, simply because the money meant for them never reaches them. Remember the recent NRHM scam, where thousands of crores meant for providing better health facilities to the people of UP were siphoned off by a criminal partnership of politicians and government functionaries. While other states have been able to give their people more modern and upgraded primary health centres, better maternal care, UP can only boast of one more CBI inquiry, and about half a dozen murders of Chief Medical Officers in broad daylight. Apart from complete ignorance of how to govern and having no such intention anyway, a government composed of power-brokers and criminals is bound to get alienated from whichever caste or religion they claim as captive vote banks. It has happened in Bihar, and presently, a great political churning and disaffection is visible in UP, in the aftermath of the Ahkilesh Yadav government's complete failure to handle communal violence, especially the recent clashes that emanated from Muzaffarnagar. We are still not sure of how the communal clashes started. Some reports suggest it was eve teasing, and others that it was a traffic accident. Whatever it was, there are adequate laws regarding both issues, which had they been enforced instantly by the local police and magistracy, could have contained the tragic mayhem that followed. Obviously the local officials have lost their will and capacity to enforce laws, groomed as they would be in decades of lawlessness during when all statutory authority, including that flowing from the Indian Penal Code and Criminal Procedure Code, regarding registration of FIRs, has been expropriated and is being exercised benaami by the political representatives. The sting operation conducted by a news channel regarding the cops and Azam Khan gives a clear indication of this. And what has become a reality in our democracy, which the sooner we accept the better, is that cutting edge police appointments at SHO levels are done purely on caste grounds, so that law enforcement can also follow a caste agenda. This is what political scientists refer to as the collapse of the state, or a failed state. Communal tensions continue in Muzzafarnagar, even after two months of the initial outbreak. On 30 October again three people are reported to have lost their lives, something completely unacceptable and unpardonable. It only confirms a complete breakdown of the state and administrative authority, of the capability of the police and magistracy from tehsil to district levels, to enforce law and order, and the complete failure of oversight and control by the state government and Chief Minister. No one still knows the number of lives lost; they could well be in hundreds. But what is reported universally is that at least 40,000 people are still living in makeshift relief camps, even though almost two months have elapsed since the riots started. UP has created a shocking humanitarian crisis for itself, and a new category of communal riot victims, equivalent of "internal refugees". We are not aware of what confidence building measures the state machinery has undertaken to persuade them to return to their homes, though almost two months have elapsed after the riots first started. Is any further evidence required to establish the state's callousness and complicity towards its own people whom they have converted into refugees in their own state? Clearly, another confirmation that the state of Uttar Pradesh has completely broken down, both in intent and action. It was looking away in utter inaction when Muzaffarnagar was burning, and now it is doing the same to the humanitarian crisis of such a huge magnitude within its own borders. The fact that communal disturbances have become a political industry by itself in UP only compound the government's political crimes against the people. What is surprising is the relative silence of the human rights NGOs and activists, wherever they are funded from, who normally react very swiftly and vociferously to assist the victims of communal clashes, or provide them legal support to secure their legitimate rights, who should have called for accountability from the Akhilesh government as to why his government remained inactive allowing the situation to assume such dangerous and inhuman levels.
Except for one Public Interest Litigation filed by Nutan Thakur before the Allahabad High Court, I am not aware of any humanitarian NGOs taking up the cause of the Muzaffarnagar riot victims. We have several organisations with a successful track record of taking up such unfortunate causes, and they normally make their presence felt very briskly and efficiently. Their absence in UP does seem a little mystifying. Also, to the best of my knowledge, I am not aware of any human rights groups approaching the NHRC seeking relief or asking for accountability from the government, or fixing responsibility as to why the situation remained uncontrolled for weeks together, and continues to simmer even today. Neither am I aware of any suo motu action taken by the NHRC, which it can well take, to direct the government to take urgent action to end the suffering of the people trapped in this humanitarian crisis, or approach the Supreme Court to take appropriate action such as the constitution of a Special Investigation Team, as to why the communal riots were allowed to persist unchecked for almost two weeks, and why communal tension remains unabated even today, that the victims from relief camps do not even wish to return to their own homes. We have still not heard from the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom about their views on the communal clashes in UP. The United States appears to be a favourite travel destination of Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav, and obviously, his US visa is intact, though it remains to be seen whether it will continue to be so. So too the British and European Union representatives have not yet reacted to the gross violation of human rights going on in UP, the CM's callous inaction, the state on a dangerous auto pilot, and atrocities piling up against the people. It remains to be seen whether they will boycott him, in their universal commitment to protect human rights and religious freedom.
Article credits ,Shri.RAM JETHMALANI,ETHICS & POWER,The Sunday Gaurdian

Who is afraid of Narendra Modi?

The government has good reasons to be wary of the BJP PM candidate as he emerges as the leader India needs.
He frightens them because he is everything that the present day politician of India is not — a man of strength and steel, with no skeletons in the cupboard that can break his strength or buy him up, and no greed for personal financial aggrandizement.
Before I proceed with my weekly piece, let me wish my readers a very Happy Diwali. May this Diwali truly usher in the victory of good over evil and bring peace and prosperity to our people and our country.
Now, to my piece. Narendra Modi has created the political upheaval that I expected he would. The Congress party appears to be in a huddle, with no clue as to how to deal with this new political phenomenon. Even our Prime Minister, best known for moderate and terse statements, whenever he is not silent, used a rather extreme word, "onslaught" to describe Modi's entry into the national political stage, a word normally associated with combat.
How comfortable and cosy previous national elections were. Election behaviour of political parties was predictable; everyone knew everyone else's secrets; everyone understood each other's mediocrities, and empathised with one another's personal ambitions. They sportingly accepted mutual election unpleasantness and acrimony, with a remarkable understanding and bonhomie. After all, verbal acrimony during elections happens all over the world and is a sign of a mature democracy. And by no means did it disturb the political comfort levels of leading political figures. The dynasty was given due respect, even when criticised, and conversely, it had its own favourites in the Opposition for its own reasons, whom it never criticised. Election manifestoes contained a host of promises, several of them unfulfilled promises of yesteryears. But all political parties would rest assured thereafter, knowing full well that once the election was over, they would never be held accountable about them either by the people of India or their own party brass. The lucky winners could then start the serious and exciting business of plundering India, alongside forming appropriately understanding alliances with the Opposition. What is it about Narendra Modi that seems to frighten the comfortable ruling establishments, present or prospective, out of their wits? As I have stated earlier, he frightens them because he is everything that the present day politician of India is not — a man of strength and steel, with no skeletons in the cupboard that can break his strength or buy him up, and no greed for personal financial aggrandizement. This is what the present political system of India cannot stomach. How dare he not be like one of us, is what is written beneath their anti-Modi script. Next, he frightens them, because his record of governance suggests that he is a patriot who places our country before anything else. The Congress governance model is based on electoral vote bank politics, even at the cost of breaking the country asunder. Neutralisation of vote banks spells doom for the Congress, and rumblings from the minority communities are already being heard. He frightens them because he is a quick decision maker, something anathema to a regime that believes in plundering the country through multiple pathways, with the chief political executive looking the other way, dithering or passing the buck. The UPA dispensation has made decision making by the Prime Minister unnecessary, undesirable and extinct. It has become a regime of GOMs and PMO (as differentiated from the Prime Minister) and NAC. And unless the Prime Minister has a personal interest in an issue, such as coal block allocation, the PMO has innovated a theory of "distancing itself" from the murky goings on in government, a new coinage, whatever it means, in the Arthashastra of South Block. The Modi critics believe that this implies true team spirit in running a government that Modi lacks, and that unlike Modi, the Prime Minister exemplifies a true team leader, because he is always outsourcing decision making (his first and legitimate function), to his GOMs or to the Core Committee or NAC. According to them, there is no way that Modi being a quick decision maker can qualify to be a good team leader, because neither does he believe in disseminating his accountability or responsibility to extra constitutional authorities like GOMs, and nor does he require their safety of numbers. Quick decision making and taking responsibility for it scares South Block and frightens it like Banquo's ghost. It must be exterminated before it strikes, for the sake of saving team leadership and secular unity, which in reality means the best financial interest of the ruling establishment. So start labelling decisiveness as divisiveness or communalism or lack of team leadership without explaining any of them, and keep repeating them until they stick. What has started terrifying the ruling establishment even more is the magnetic power Narendra Modi holds over the crowds, and the ease with which he establishes a rapport with them. Psychologists call this quality "charisma", a gift which one either has or doesn't have; a As Modi's oratory and charisma become more and more visible to the nation and his rallies keep increasing in size all over the country, opinion across the country (including within the Congress establishment) is that as a political leader, he stands unmatched and unstoppable. The Congress party, during the last decade, had a single point objective on which it concentrated, using all the might of the state machinery it controlled. And that was to somehow get Modi personally indicted in a court of law for the 2002 riots that would finish his political career. For it was in Modi, more than anyone else in the political arena, that they saw the real threat to its power. Modi is neither intimidated nor pays obeisance to them, regardless of the historical halo they claim. However, they were neither able to politically assassinate him nor banish him into disgrace. The Congress is in crisis — frustrated and frightened. They must helplessly countenance day after day Narendra Modi's steady and hard earned success finally reaching the national political stage, and being declared the BJP Prime Ministerial candidate of India. How will the party vice president compete with the charisma, the oratory, the experience and insights that can only be acquired by being a three-time Chief Minister? The country is aghast at the party vice president's attitude and oratory, starting with the gate-crashing at Ajay Maken's press conference. He then indulged in a speech evoking death images of his father and grandmother. This infuriated the Sikhs and Tamils. In his next speech, he dwelt upon the Muzzafarnagar riots, as usual wrongly blaming the BJP, the real reason being the Jat-Muslim dynamics as manipulated by the ruling Samajwadi Party; and made the startling disclosure regarding the IB informing him of ISI agents recruiting Muzzafarnagar Muslim victims. This time the Muslim community was infuriated and the Home Ministry rubbished the statement. The serial bomb blasts at Gandhi Maidan Patna were shocking. But what came through to the people of India, and what I regret has not been noticed or lauded by the media or political commentators, was Modi's composure and demeanour while he was speaking, even as low intensity bombs were going off, and danger and death confronted him in the face. The country requires no further demonstration of his courage in the face of mortal danger, his presence of mind, his leadership qualities, and forbearance. Article credits -Ram Jethmalani is a senior politician and eminent lawyer.
The Sunday Gaurdian,Nov 2, 2013

Old Delhi’s UPA Muslim MLAs spent least on development

Rs 437.74 cr remains unspent from Yousuf's fund. Iqbal is yet to spend Rs 444.88 cr from his fund
RTI reply shows that Haroon Yousuf and Shoaib Iqbal are the most frugal of Delhi MLAs when it comes to developing their constituencies.
Muslim MLAs from the walled city, Haroon Yousuf, also a minister in the Sheila Dikshit Cabinet, and Shoaib Iqbal have spent the least from their area development funds in their under-developed constituencies. Yousuf and Iqbal represent Ballimaran and Matia Mahal seats. An RTI reply lists the expenditures incurred by all of Delhi's 70 MLAs, showing that except Yousuf and Iqbal, all the others spent most of their fund allocations by the end of September. An MLA is given Rs 4 cr per year to spend for his constituency's development. Rs 1 cr of this amount is mandatorily spent on Delhi Jal Board projects. Interestingly, both Yousuf and Shoaib have been the least spenders for the past three years. Despite strong protests by Old Delhi locals, they haven't planned any fresh development projects in their areas. Rs 437.74 cr remains unspent from Yousuf's fund. Iqbal is yet to spend Rs 444.88 cr from his fund. When asked why they have been so frugal, both Yousuf and Iqbal said that they were holding back to their money to spend it in the next session. But they didn't respond to the question what if they din't win the election this time and the money was returned to the state treasury. Meanwhile, residents in Ballimaran and Matia Mahal say that since both these candidates are unchallenged and will win for certain, they are either ignoring or delaying the development work in their areas. "Iqbal has unparalleled clout in the area. He does not have a competitor. He will continue to represent the area in the next Assembly session also. This confidence has turned him complacent about development. He is more concerned with popular causes like mosque construction and other sentimental Muslim issues. It reaps him political dividends. Plus, he also does some genuine charity works by helping the poor of the area," said Gulfam Qureshi, a small time political leader in Jama Masjid area. "Locals are angry with Yousuf as there is hardly any visible development in the area except a few renovated streets and improved sewer lines. But they don't see any suitable challenger to him," said Sheeba Aslam Fehmi, a Ballimaran-based Urdu journalist.
News Credits Sunday Gaurdian

Forget Narendra Modi, now Congress is fighting over Rahul Gandhi

New Delhi, Nov 7: Ahead of the Lok Sabha election which is expected to be held in 2014, Congress seems to have lost its track.
Instead of attacking its opponent party leaders such as Narendra Modi, Jairam Ramesh expressed his disappointment over Rahul Gandhi.
However, other Congress party leaders did not take Ramesh's criticism against Rahul lightly. Downplaying the Union Minister's shocking remark against Rahul, Congress leader Sandeep Dikshit defended their young star campaigner saying, "Rahul Gandhi has been touring all the poll-bound states.
He is in a combative mode and his speeches show that he is serious." Jairam recently has expressed his disappointment with young Gandhi family scion saying, "My frustration is that he is too forward looking, he is talking of structure, systems, he is talking of building Congress in the long term whereas we are now faced with fighting an election in the short term." Rahul Gandhi is in a combative mode and his speeches show that he is serious Jairam's statement surfaced after Rahul's meeting with party colleagues where he reportedly insisted that a win can be sacrificed for the sake of strengthening the party. According to sources, Rahul earlier had overruled a proposal of Congress leaders of strengthening party's power in Bihar by forming an alliance with RJD-led by Lalu Prasad Yadav.
Rahul reportedly preferred not to form an alliance to assert the Congress authority in the state. Though, party leaders feel that Rahul's idealism could cost them votes and it's not the right strategy ahead of the upcoming elections. Meanwhile, BJP has taken advantage of the current situation when Congress leaders are busy in fighting with each other.
BJP spokesperson Prakash Javadekar was quoted as saying, "Jairam's statement shows the exasperation of the Congress. The fact they are thinking beyond 2014 shows they have conceded defeat."

Modi visits Patna blast victims’ homes

Apart from offering condolences, Modi also handed a cheque of Rs 5 lakh to the families.
Six days after a series of blasts rocked Patna's Gandhi Maidan during Narendra Modi's Hunkar rally, the BJP's PM candidate returned to Bihar. He said he was there to answer his "call of conscience" and offer his "sympathies" to the families of those killed and injured. His visit triggered a war of words with Bihar's ruling JD(U) and the Congress, who described it as a "political stunt" and accused Modi of "polarising" people.
Modi's return visit coincided with BJP's Asthi Kalash Yatra, which started on Thursday from the villages the six victims belonged to in Supaul, Gopalganj, Begusarai, Nalanda, Kaimur and Patna districts. The Yatra is expected to tour the entire state before reaching Patna for cremation on 5 November. Six persons were killed and 90 injured on 27 October. Modi's visit to the six families was delayed by two hours because of inclement weather which eventually forced him to skip two villages. Modi first reached Gaurichak, about 70 km from Patna where he met the family of Rajnarain Singh. He garlanded the photograph of the deceased, offered condolences to the family and handed them a cheque of Rs 5 lakh. He was told that Rajnarain was an ardent follower of Jaiprakash Narayan and had gone to hear Modi without informing his family. Senior BJP leaders promised that the party would erect the statues of all six victims in their respective villages. Narendra Modi arrived in Patna late on Friday evening and was accorded the status of a "state guest" by the Bihar government. He was staying in Patna's state guest house, right opposite CM Nitish Kumar's residence. Heavy security arrangements were put in place for Modi's visit. Besides, Bihar police personnel, a large contingent of security officials accompanied Modi's. The security apparatus included 35 Black Cat commandos, 70 officials from the Gujarat Police, seven bomb squads. Special helipads had been created in each of the villages where Modi was to visit. Because of bad weather Modi could not go to Supaul. Instead he called up the family of victim Bharat Rajak. "Spoke to Shankar, the son of Shaheed Bharat Rajak over telephone. People from his village shared a very touching anecdote," Modi tweeted. "Shaheed Bharat Rajak had a pet pigeon who would stay next to his bed. Bharat would not begin his day without feeding grain to the pigeon. Pigeon refused to leave dead body of Bharat and travelled with the body till the funeral. Even now the pigeon stays around Bharat's room," Modi tweeted. In Gopal Ganj, Modi called up Patna blasts victim Munna Shrivastav's wife and consoled her. Modi tweeted, "Spoke to wife of Shaheed Munna Srivastava on phone. We are all a part of one family and stand by them in this hour of grief." Consoling Srivastava's wife, Modi said, "Your daughter is like my daughter, will take care of her." He visited Kaimur where he met the wife of victim Vikas Singh. "In Kaimur, met the wife and children of Shaheed Vikas Singh and offered my deepest condolences to the family," Modi tweeted. He later went to Nitish Kumar's bastion Nalanda to meet the family of deceased Rajesh Kumar. Commenting on Modi's return visit, JD(U) spokesperson, Shivanand Tiwari said, "This is not a 100 metre race. Narendra Modi must understand this. This is a semi-marathon, if not a marathon. There are still five months left and if he continues to remain in such a hurry then I feel he might fall and get hurt." On Friday, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar had described the BJP's Asthi-Kalash Yatra as an attempt to create "communal tensions". "Bihar is a place of communal harmony. We all know that attempts are being made to disturb this harmony," he said. JD(U)'s K.C. Tyagi said, "Modi is visiting Bihar with 1,000 Gujarat policemen. Is Bihar police supposed to work under the Gujarat police?" He said Modi's actions were an insult to the prestige of Bihar. Bihar's former Deputy Chief Minister Sushil Kumar Modi, who was accompanying Narendra Modi tweeted, "Had @Nkumar made security arrangements for @Namo's Rally what it was in JDU's Rally then Namo wouldn't have visited Bihar again in 1 week." The Congress accused Modi of polarising society. Congress spokesman and MLA from Deoria, Akhilesh Pratap Singh said, "When the blasts were happening he continued with his speech and waved goodbye and left. Now what is the point of coming back?" Addressing the media after returning from Nalanda, Modi said that he came to Bihar again because of a call from his conscience. "I had a wish to visit the families of the victims of the Patna serial blasts that happened during my rally last week. Due to bad weather this morning the helicopter could not take off on time and I also could not visit two of the families. But I hope to meet them in future," he said.
SUNDAY GAURDIAN CORRESPONDENT,New Delhi | 2nd Nov 2013

The rise and rise of tomorrow’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi - The Sunday Guardian Report

No politician in independent India has been demonised in such a relentless, Goebbelsian manner as Narendra Modi, and no politician has withstood it with as much resilience and courage as him, notwithstanding the entire Central government, influential sections of the media machinery and civil society arraigned against him.
His dark patch started with the unfortunate Godhra train massacre and the ensuing communal riots in Gujarat in 2002, where several innocent people lost their lives. A train carrying non-violent harmless karsewaks were set on fire and nearly 60 persons were burnt to death. Understandably, but regrettably, this provoked retaliation and mayhem resulting in many innocent members of the minority community losing their lives and suffering other indignities.
It is equally true that the desire for revenge did paralyse the will of some law enforcement agencies, including some prosecutors and judges. Serious steps had to be taken to restore the confidence of the victims of revenge in the legal and judicial system of the state.
Today, vast sections of civil society see in Narendra Modi the next Prime Minister of India. I hope he will plant more visible footprints on the international seashore. He has to speak of peace and a durable solution to the Kashmir problem with the rulers of Pakistan.
The most diabolical role was played by the Congress government at the Centre. A bogus commission was appointed to whitewash the Godhra tragedy to establish that the attack on the train was not the result of a conspiracy of some evil minded Muslims, but an accidental stove fire. This serious crime by the Congress government was fully exposed when a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court made their own independent investigation and reiterated that the burning of the pilgrims was a concerted plan by those who must have known that it will inevitably lead to retaliation and atrocities against the minorities, a finding fortified by recent court judgments. Their evil calculations proved to be right. Obviously, the planners wanted India to get a bad name, its national unity and integrity shaken and its defence against scheming neighbours enfeebled.
The unfortunate riots were followed by the state elections, the results of which made the psephologists run for cover. One is reminded of a story, which may well be apocryphal, but is fairly apposite and bears repetition. The Viceroy of India, Lord Linlithgow, wanted to hold an open air reception in Simla and sought, and received, the assurance of the weather bureau that there wouldn't be any showers on that day. But while strolling on the mall, he encountered a farmer and his donkey. Proletarian as he pretended to be, he struck up a conversation with him and made the same enquiry. The farmer looked at his donkey and said, "Whenever my mate's ears shake the way they are doing now, it just pours." The Viceroy made light of the donkey signal, but his evening party was a big fiasco. In anger, he had the weather station removed to faraway Pune as punishment. I hope the media will never again mess with Narendra Modi or Gujarat elections. Modi won a landslide victory, which even he and his followers could not have imagined or hoped for. I congratulated him for his brilliant victory, but I sincerely advised him that he should wear a look of absolute humility; he should publicly own that something had seriously gone wrong and that he should loudly proclaim that India could never go forward and retain its independence and sovereignty unless Hindus and Muslims were locked in an embrace of love and mutual understanding. He must declare his firm resolve to bring back to the minorities a feeling of absolute security and an assurance of every kind of protection by the powers of the state. Modi thought out and reasoned his strategy and since then his stature has risen manifold to heights rarely attained before. Today, vast sections of civil society see in him the next Prime Minister of India. I hope he will plant more visible footprints on the international seashore. He has to speak of peace and a durable solution to the Kashmir problem with the rulers of Pakistan. He must project himself as a great democratic leader of the world and a fighter for human rights and justice the world over. On the domestic front, I am proud to see him winning Muslim hearts by presenting to them the real Hindutva, which even the Supreme Court had to acknowledge and admire. Let not the real Hindutva be confused with its counterfeit version, which unfortunately gains currency during the course of electoral battles. The policies and conduct of Narendra Modi may be compared with those of the late Rajiv Gandhi. The sad assassination of his mother led to what may accurately be described as a virtual genocide of the Sikhs. Armed bands of hooligans and murderers went around the streets and colonies of Delhi in search of innocent Sikhs, sought them out and slaughtered them mercilessly. We saw some Sikhs being burnt alive on public roads while crowds watched the heartrending scenes. Even the then Sikh President could not move a finger to help the unfortunate followers of Guru Nanak. I cannot forget those shameful days even now. All that the new Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had to say was a defiant, "When a big tree falls the earth must shake". Never did the Congress leadership apologise for the atrocities and the murders. It is the greatness of the Sikh community that they have forgiven the Congress. In a corruption ridden country where the chief source of corruption is the Congress and its leaders, Narendra Modi shines for his impeccable integrity. He has focused his entire energy on building in Gujarat an able administration and good governance. He has achieved phenomenal development and economic growth, and at the same time bolstered social inclusiveness. Through these he has worked hard to regain the confidence of the minorities, even as the relentless and pervasive hate campaign against him has continued unabated in the electronic media, among the fashionable intellectuals and civil society activists, who have become the media sweethearts.
This is the first of a two-part article on Narendra Modi
Article Credits Sunday Guardian,17th October 2013